Rabu, 10 Juni 2020

Individual liberty and the importance of the concept of the people

Through publically concurred laws that represent a common set of public limitations, the ‘people as a sovereign body' offers to protect versus infractions of individual freedom and despotic power (Locke, 1679 (1960); Kant, 1793 (1977)). Where no such common body exists, people are denied of this protection. In such situations, people must follow without freedom, while those in power regulate under a specify of license, i.e., a specify of unrestricted freedom. Neoliberal theorists maintain that any common personality, with its corresponding set of public limitations on freedom, weakens individual freedom (Hayek, 1976; Nozick, 1974). Therefore, along with advertising the idea of private, atomized people and rejecting the presence of "individuals" (Hayek, 1976; Nozick, 1974), neoliberal concept permits just private limitations (favorable and unfavorable) on freedom (Hayek, 1976; Nozick, 1974).  Trik Menang Terus Bermain Taruhan Bola Online

Versus this neoliberal presumption (Hayek, 1976; Nozick, 1974), we will suggest that rejecting the idea of individuals and public limitations on freedom while protecting the basic legislation, its safety function, and coercive organizations and tools for imposing neoliberal legislation positions a major risk to individual freedom and eventually dangers decreasing most of free people to servile—and sometimes lawless—persons.

The literary works has currently shown the conflict in between neoliberalism and the concept of individuals as a political category and reality (Brownish, 2015; Dean, 2008). The impact of neoliberalism's exemption of individuals and its reliance on the idea of promotion without a public has also been shown (Queiroz, 2017). Related to this, the literary works has dealt with how neoliberalism promotes the development of a accommodating and disciplined population (Foucault, 2008). Nevertheless, the political repercussions of the exemption of individuals and the safety role it plays in the conservation of the political state—namely the transformation of free people right into servile, and eventually lawless, persons—has yet to be dealt with, particularly from a political-philosophical viewpoint.

The importance of this issue is clear. There has been a lot focus on the financial nature of neoliberalism, which has obscured that, greater than a financial position, neoliberalism is a political overview and reality (Bruff, 2014). Although neoliberalism has become deeply connected to business economics (Hall, 2011; Read, 2009), this is mainly because of that its academic understanding of the specify as a political organization is made in example with the financial market and the succeeding political redefinition of the latter's aims and range (Foucault, 2008). Thus, without overlooking the importance of neoliberal financial evaluation, in moving the focus to neoliberalism's political personality we aim to reveal its political-philosophical structures and to equate its presumably simply financial aspects to the political ball. As we'll see, the imposition of financial balance, financial consolidation, reduces to social security, the privatization of public property, the liberalization of cumulative negotiating, and the diminishing of pension plans (Barro, 2009) are connected not just to the rise of hardship and inequality but also to the transformation of free residents right into reliant and servile individuals.